Newspapers / The Durham Recorder (Durham, … / Sept. 26, 1866, edition 1 / Page 1
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T O A' v. - . UNION. THE CONSTITUTION-AND iTHE LA WS--THE GUARDIANS OF OUK LIBERTIES. Vol.XLVI. HILLSBOROUGfl;- N; C.; WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 26, 1866. No. 2356. t III 11 Mill III ,17111 I.I.I I . I : 111 7 i i hi SPEECH OF Hon. John Quincy i Adams, OIAKD SON Or riCSlDSXT JOHN QVINCY ADAMS, Deliv ed al a (real Union Meeting in Boston, on the 11th instant. A great ratification meeting of the Na tional Union Contention at Philadelphia was held in Boston on, the evening of the Uth. imt. The attendance was very large and the spirit highly enthusiastic. , The Hon. John Q. Adams.' son of the American Minister to the Court of St. Janes, made speech of great power, abound iog in the most national and states wan-like views, which was received with great applause. We make the following admirable extracts, and commend them to the attentive perusal ol our readers and of all those of our people into whose hands this paper ma falls , Now what is this issue that we must pars upon each lor himself? It is simply this t the majority in Congress claim the right and exercise the power uf excluding from all representation whatever the people of ten States of the Union until they estab lish to its satisfaction. proper 'practical relation' to the Union, whatever that maj be ; and the evidence of this relation is to be the passage of an amendment to the Constitution, dictated to them by a portion f the representatives of a part ot the States ct the Union. We insist, on the other hand, that, the war was fought to compel the rebellious in the insurgent States to perform their duties to the Union, and that as soon as the insurrection was subdued, and peace and order restored, it was the coQiiitutional dot no less than the right of those States to send representatives to Congress, and that in case the elections, returns, and qualifications' of such mem bers are regular and correct. Congress has no right to exclude them from their seats. (Applause.) We farther protest that the aiiumption by Congress ot a power no where granted bjr the Constitution to estab lish an inquisitorial and revotutionarj trib unal to examine, not the ' elections, returns, and qualifications' of any ol its members, but to pry into the private feeling, talk, aad condition of the people of the once in torrent communities, with a view to ex etude Stales from Congress, is bo better than usurpation. (Applause.) And averring a we do that these States were never out of the Union and could not be, we therefore insist upon the immediate admission of all the loyal Representatives and Senators duly elected and qualified to setts in Con gress. This, at let, is the issue offered us to-day, and to tide over this election ; but the Radicals who crsck the loudest whips over Congress delight in proclaiming that the only real final issue is universal suffrage for the negro. When that comes 1 hope to live to discuss it; but to-night let me adhere to the proposition before us. Now il one(could have had prophetic visiou at any time during the war, how astonished he would have been to have seen through the smoke that great party which so res lately fought out four years of dire warfare to put down the heresy that the Union was dissoluble, spending thousands of millions ol gold, and hundreds of thousands of in esitiuably precious Uvea to maintain the doctrine ot the supremacy of the Constitu tion in all its strictness, now straggling desperately to retard a restoration ol the Union. One can hardly testst the super atitiou that the evil spirits of secession and disunion exorcised at the South by the point ol the bayonet had fled to the Capitol, and entered into and possessed our rulers there. (Cheers.) Nor do 1 say this in any spirit ol exaggeration, as yon may realize it yoa will but recur for a moment to the outbreak of the war. The party in power at the South claimed and exercised a right to secede, because, they said, their rights were endangered by the acta which the ma jority who had just elected Mr. Lincoln would do as soon aa he had fairly grasped the power of the government, and they de manded further constitutional guaranty of alaveiy in the territories at the condition ol their remaining. It wai in vain that the majority protested that it had do intent of impairing their1 constitutional rights; the Southern minority, dominant in their own section, persisted in their effort to take the siaveholding States out of the Union." Now look at Congress to-day, insisting, as it dues, that iti rights are in danger if these W S m I V Vt VS W vs--te-s f t - claims and exercises a right to hold out of the Union almost as many States' as ever strove to go out, and it imposes the same condition of further constitutional guaran tees as the price of a renewed, much as the secessionists' did of a continued. Union. I confess, as a matter of constitutional law and common sense, apart from the intent of inumuuais, t see very nuie to cnoose uc tween the man who takes State out of the Union because he cannot get constitutional guarantees to suit him, and one who keeps a State out of the Union until he can get constitutional guarantees to suit Dim. in both casea we must look for the evil prin ciple precisely where the political theorist wouiu nave maicaiea oeiorcnana, in me inherent weakness of written constitutions, when the fears or ambition of a dwindling majority tempt them to overstep the limits of the organic law to avert their own hu miliation, and the advent to power of a rival party which, of course, appeals to the still dominant faction an insufferable catamity. Now, my friends,' this is the real danger which Congress would avert from us. It is absurd to suppose that the bold and able men who have wielded the whole power of the Worth tor years are much alarmed at the return of a beateji and broken remnant whose power has passed away, whose pres tige is gone, and whose burden is about aa much as they can well bear, to mingle in the deliberations of Congress. No t the organs of Congress make no secret that their real apprehension is not the South, but the North no longer the men whom they per ist in treating aa alien enemies, but their loyal fellow-citizens of the Democratic par ty. It is to secure their dear people from the unutterable woes of Democratic rule, and to perpetuate the inestimable blessings of their own adminstration, that they are willing to postpone indefinitely a true res toraton of the Union. This extiact from a Boston paper sufficiently shows their true intent : How Lov Witt You Keep thi 8octi Oct of CoxsatssT We answer ; until that neat of traitor become fully satisfied that it can oeter again rule in nation by combination! with Northern allies. Mak In Southern Uader reads that fa-!, and lb pacification of th formerly rebelliou section of th country will b speedily accomplished, anJ iu peopl trill willingly srquirsc in any arrangement deemed necessary lor th peac and harmony of the country uy th loyal men who preserved th country from destruction. WneQ th Houih relinquishes all hop of controlling national aflsirs, as il did in th days of Polk, Pierc and Dochsnan, th tim will hav airiftd for investing Southern constituencies with th right which they voluntarily fufeited. But. uoJer no citeumstan:rs csn th traitorous portion of th Union t allowed to increase its political strength in Congress by the stents of th wai ! Now, gentlemen, this doctrine ind it is the doctrine of Congress reduced to its last analysis ; you and they atl know it is j mi one denies il seems to me to strike at the root of the very trunk principle of our scheme of polity. If we are to abandon the plan of trusting the people to their own government, we surrender the very citadel of our system. If once we snbmit to allow majorities to assume not only that they are right and their opponents wrong, but that the opposite party is so wicked that the ruling faction must alter the fundamental law to ensure their permanent disgrace, we may as well abandon our central idea of self government; and in'its place bring in the other theory, on which rests the throne of our friend the Emperor ol the Freoch, that the people must be taken care of as incompetent or wicked. I have said that Congress seems willing to indefinitely post pone a restoration of the Union. II 1 were not anxious to be atudiously moderate I should aay that the most .active and in fluential of its speakers and newspapers can fairly be interpreted aa utterly opposed lo any reunion at all. What else, I sik, can we conclude from the incessant stream of denunciation and abuse) the constant search of new matter of irritation j the per petual recurrence to all the most bitter and hnmiliatinf memnriea nf the war! th rlsilv , O -w j tearing open of old wounds; and twitting auu sneering ana taunting our conquered ODDOnenta with all things that mar tend to 1 a j exasperate their anger and perpetuate their uaicr tvuai cats any mortal expect irotn uch treatment but perpetuual 'alienation ? And what is the meaning of the condition yiki.i. at..: ... r :r . nuivu nicir uuiciai at. imposes u uui in definite vrln!nn nf anmp mt lnl nf th States ? It is preposterous to presume that v.tu vuugics wuuiu suppvac kiai aui uie formerly insurgent States, wnnlil he wmIc or dishonest enough to be bribed back into precarious and inferior seats in the national councils. For we must hotjforget that in assenting to the terms of Congress these States must acknowledge the constitutional authority of the process by which they re turn, and be content to sit at the good pleas ure of a mere majority, and by the authori ty of a aimpte joint resolution of a Con gress of part ot the States, exercising a power which, to aay the least, is not ex pressly granted by the Constitution. II any not even rejects the bribe, no alterna tive but permanent subjectin is offered by Congress. I will not spend time in show ing how entirely without sanction of aoy thin to be found in the text of the Consti tution is the arbitrary offer of conditional restoration contained in the Amendment and its 'enabling atatute. Only to read thetn in 'the light of the tenth article ol Amendment to the Constitution of the U nited States, which aays expressly that";the powers not delegated to the United States are reserved to the State respectively or to the people would seem to be a suffi cient negative of constitutional authority. Bat the legal bearings of this extraordinary proposition havejbeen folly discussed by more than one of the ablest jurists of the time. Indeed, the candid and logical Re P hi ; ad theit honest- pr It !t. Jirnre from the strict letter, but assert a certain pre-eminent concordance witn tne spiru 01 me vwuiv.iw wkj justify this lax construction by the old plea of necessity and a kind of indescribable re served war right in the conqueror in civil war to disregard his own constitutional li mitations. As to this plea of necessity, not to dwell on the patent reflection that no unurpation or constitutional overture ever occurred Irom the day Julius Caesar croas- mA th. tt.iWnn ta the COUO f tlat of Louis Nspoleon.or the Committee ol Fifteen of . f n ili.t ,IA nn tne last session 01 ,ongixs . strive to cover itself under the bioad man tle of alledged necessity, I might well be content to simply deny the factor the ex istence or such a necessity. But I will not detain you now to examine the evidence upon this head, or to analyze this strange claim of reserved rights and lurking war nimr.M r..tnr ta retain their force Ions after peace ii declared, and which are no where even hinted at in the written word of our orzanic law, but will content myaelf, . a .1. st-laai aa n e to-night, with asamg mereij sonable man can fcirly anticipate will re sult from the proposed process, supposing it is successfully perfected. Passing over the strange anomaly of recognizing these Sfit. ttrhirh w have ascertained by our committee to be two wicked to be permit ted to vote upon the simplest mstier 01 sia Me law, nay not even on questions of fi nance, where surely no human being, be he never so rebellious, could well give more tooliahr dishonest votes than many of our Radical friends, as are still in the Union, and safelv reliable, a far as to pass upon the grave'st changes in our organic law, and that ton under an open bribe : "allowing all this for thesake of the argument, what ahall wm tain hv nnr move? ConZrCKS SSTS we shall accure ourselves against another war, and take new guaranties ior peace, uau confess 1 cannot see how. (This idea seems to me only a part of the general theory so prevalent with us that a statute has some sovereign power to change the minds ol men ; the same theory which teaches that intemperance can oe aooiuncu ut iw. Wk. ntlnmen. was there anv lack ol contitutiooal law against secession and re- l if 1 .if t !4 ... . ik. .ml war 9 oeiuon, anu uiu u prevsii. - No piling of amendment upon amendment will prevent revolution and anarchy so long as the policy of the majority compels the ramory to hate the organic law, and teach es by example the whole people to disre gard or evade it.M " But it is said you will sacrifice all the results of the war, and abandon all we have gained and fought for. What did we .fight tor? President Lincoln said it was to re duce to obedience to the Constitution the rebellion in certain 8tatea,aod that the res-, toration of the Union, either with or with out slavery, was what he fought for. .Nor was Congress less explicit, aa the joint re solution passed July 1, 1881, will show:: lUtohed, That th present deplorable civil war hat been forced UDon th conntrv h th iliauni ni.i r the Southern Slates now in rebellion against th Constitutional Government and in arms around th espital; thatin this national emergency Congress, banishing sit feeling of mere passion or resentme nt, wm irconeci oniy lis only to tne wnole country that this war is not prosecuted upon our part in any spirit of oppression, nor for the purpose of overthr ow ing or interfiling; with th rights or established in stitutions of the 8uti; but to defend and main tain the supremacy of the Constitution and all laws jnade in pursuance thereof, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several' 8tates unimpaired; that as soon as these objects ar accomplished th war ought to cease. There is what we fought for to ' main tain the supremacy of the Constitution," and (o preserve the Union." rAnnlamt.l : Shall we sacrifice thia by ourselves,: sub- muting to us supremacy, or do we not rather abandon what we have gained when we ourselves infringe its provisions i Why, gentlemen, slavery is abolished ; secession is crushed ; the Constitution is su pre me at the Southand all this we propose to maintain as well as yoa ; we only ask furth er that the Constitution shall be supreme also at the North. It is further objected that we would let these States back with an unfairly augmented represen tation ? reply that I will first fulfil my constitution al obligations if the heavens fall j but' that supremacy once established, I will go on with any party to insist upon a fair equali zation for representation ; and Jlet me say, that I think no party could maintain itself for a moment at the North which should oppose an equitable and a Constitutional settlement of this question. MOZART'S REQUIEM. Those of yon who have learned to play on the piano, may know that Mozart com posed aome of the most beautiful piece?; but did you ever hear of his last? For weeks he had been engaged in its com position ; at length, everr note was har monious, and the gratified musician sank back on his cushion in a sweet reverie. The light footstep of his daughter entering the room aroused him. Emilie," he called, ' sit down and play r ior me my requiem ; is my uwa requi em "Oh, do not ssjr that, my father," an swered the affectionate girl, while the quick tears sprang to her eyes at the thought of losing her beloved father. Play, my child," he repeated, and sing the hymn your mother used to love so well.M Emilie sat down to the instrument and began a sad prelude; the father lay with closed eyes, listening. Soon the heaven ly music fil'ed the soul of the young girl with holy epilations, and the faith and hope expressed in the hymn, seemed all her own; the heavy weight of sadness gradually disappeared, and she sang like an angel. When the piece was finished. she sat tor a moment in silence, ana then turned to meet her father's accustomed glance of sympathy. His eyes were closed, and looking intently, she perceiv ed that he lay quite motionless. With a cry of terror ahe sprang to his side, and there ahe fell senseless, for the first glance told her that her father was dead. She had sung his soul to heaven. CkiUwi't Friend. mmm jss-jsS - assajaji At a Hehrew temnle in Cincinnati pews were sold for $1,000, and premiums were bid as high as 13,500. two nunareu mou sand dollars was realized the most liberal renting in the history of edifices for Divine worship in this or any other country.
The Durham Recorder (Durham, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Sept. 26, 1866, edition 1
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